Opposition parties begin to experience the first effects of the new pole Power constituted within the government by two clans. that of Karina and Javier Millay, and that of the Menem family, Martín and Eduardo. Until October 26, their main interlocutor, Santiago Caputo, was nowhere to be found. Pros and UCR are drawn to this quartet by the inertia of the election results more than by ideological affinity or personal sympathies. I don’t see any other option that would be justified by polls to defeat Kirchnerism in 2027.
People who tried to resist the threat of a wave of unrest in the countryside In the changes that ultimately destroyed them, they restlessly watch as the mirror returns to the governors, who have allied themselves with La Libertad Avanza out of prudence. The case of Alfredo Cornejo of Mendoza could become a witness case. Louis Petri was established as the governor’s de facto successor without re-election. Despite coming from the UCR, Mr. Petri was at the top of the list of elected officials who won through the agreement between Mr. Cornejo and the president.
Cornejo should have done it if he wanted to go against what seemed like an inevitable fate. Field a gubernatorial candidate he lacks within 18 months and call on PASO to contest the position. But above all, justify your intentions every time you go to process the funds needed to run Casa Rosada. In politics, he commissioned Patricia Bullrich and Diego Santilli to explore how this dilemma could lead the government to approve a budget and labor and tax reforms in parliament.
Future leader of the liberal bloc in the Senate and interior minister compete To occupy a position within a clan. In addition to recreating an old dance with a certain morbid atmosphere, this desire gives another meaning to the ongoing dispute over the National Register (Renaper). Cristian Ritondo boldly advocated for the region to be returned from the Ministry of Security to the Ministry of Interior. The adoption of software to update the software used in facial recognition services will give another dimension to the dispute that Chief of Staff Manuel Adorni will have to resolve. I mean, Karina.
I would have preferred Ritondo to be the president’s powerful sister. Not Santilli, who holds the political portfolio. The head of the House of Commons Probloc and Guillermo Montenegro will discuss the value of the services that Mr. Santilli’s appointment will provide. Will Lenaper get the recognition Ritondo wants? If so, it would confirm Santilli’s diagnosis made by civil service experts who have advised him over the years. He probably has enough fingers on one hand to count the political boxes he can control.
which one For now, only Gustavo Coria will explain why he is accepted. accompany him. He was the person who succeeded him in the Buenos Aires Ministry of Security. Before that, Coria will be sworn in as a member of the Buenos Aires Congress on December 10th and will need to apply for leave. Fernando “El Turco” Elias did not take part in this conference call, preferring to remain at the head of Momentum, the payment and exchange institution (ALIC) in a comfortable apartment on Calle Libertador in Belgrano and in Sucre, which Elias founded “in order not to waste the experience he had accumulated as vice-president of Banco Ciudad,” and would have confided in his old acquaintances from that stage. In addition to managing the buying and selling of debt securities, particularly sovereign debt, ALIC also issues cash checks to companies with liquidity difficulties. Especially for small and medium-sized businesses in urgent need.
The Senate appears set for Bullrich’s debut. More auspicious. Kirchnerism has refrained from attacking for now. Perhaps in order to strengthen the new majority that Bullrich promises to build with Pro and UCR, and not encourage leaks that would relativize the majority that Fuerza Patria still holds. There are questions about what Gerardo Zamora’s three senators will do. Governor Santiago is the governor most frustrated by the defeat in Buenos Aires province. An indirect way of criticizing Kristina and Aksel Kisilov and highlighting their victory with more than 50% of the votes.
But not all For Bullrich, it’s simple. Some like-minded opponents analyze Article 74 The budget would forgive Canmesa’s $1 billion debt to Edesul and Edenor. The companies are claiming losses equal to four times the delay charges. Jose Luis Manzano, one of Edenor’s owners, met with Javier Millay for two hours during a visit to the United States. Forgiveness would legitimize a recessive framework of economic activity.
At least six banks expect profits to drop to zero In 2026, credit card delinquencies will skyrocket in the third quarter. One result of high interest rates set by central banks to suppress the dollar. There is no certainty that labor and tax reforms can change this situation in the short term.
There isn’t that either The impression conveyed by Axel’s repeated requests for dialogue with Millais. Kisilov. The governor is trying to neutralize a blockade of liberals, radicals and professionals to discuss about $4 billion in debt in exchange for funding for local governments, four vacancies on the court and renewal of the state bank’s board of directors. Kisilov will find it difficult to follow the advice of Gabriel Katopodis and Mariano Casjares. The Minister of Infrastructure and Mayor Almirante Brown will recommend de-escalating the situation and giving the UCR a forum in the highest court.
At least formally, Santilli’s response to Kisilov seemed aborted. Possibility of agreement. The Minister of the Interior accused the governor of not complying with the May Agreement and RIGI and called for consistency. An overaction that omits similarities with Claudio “Chiqui” Tapia. When Santilli was in charge of waste collection in the city, Chamse was appointed as the head of AFA. Kisilov took over as head of the organization after Jorge Macri was ousted.
Proserac and the FIU investigated and identified Ariel Vallejos, head of Sur Finanzas. With AFA’s Tapia management team. Vallejos is the sponsor of the team and also sponsors of several promotional clubs associated with Buenos Aires Peronism. For example, Deportivo Moron’s president, Gustavo Mancilla, reports directly to Mayor Luchas Gui, an ally of Mr. Kisilov in the Right to Future movement. A story of complicated human relationships involving strange episodes, such as the theft of 10 million yen that Sur Finansas borrowed and the club worked hard to collect. The thieves ordered Juan Caprolo, who had parked his car with the money inside Deportivo Moron’s premises, to return the money he withdrew. Capullo is its treasurer. One of the attackers, Felipe San Marco, was arrested by city police, but less than 300,000 pesos was recovered from his possession. It was not revealed whether the investigation determined how San Marco knew what Capullo was bringing.
Mansilla, Capullo, Gui and Tapia were guests of Vallejos for New Year’s Eve dinner Sponsored by Sur Finances. Probably a coincidence. But Moron was where Tapia started working as a waste collection employee thanks to his former father-in-law, Hugo Moyano.
About The Author
