—His new book, “In the Footsteps of Sanchez,” provides a deep psychological portrait of Sanchez. What characteristics did you see in him when he went to the Senate?
–He’s a challenging character. It reminds me a lot of music players throwing big shots. … girl and couple. If you think you’re being defensive, you might be aggressive, and vice versa. Unpredictable for opponents, but they are too predictable. What happened in the Senate was that instead of using sarcastic tactics, taking advantage of the man who said good morning, the involvement of his brother and his wife in a case that the judicial system was investigating, and the incompetence of the person who appointed the party’s two organizational secretaries (one in prison, the other at the prison gate), we were subjected to an abortive interrogation with no dignity, no legal skill, no dialectical skill. And in that, those who try always win.
— they couldn’t disable it
—The crisis of the constitutional system that Sánchez promotes consists of disabling mechanisms of reaction to arbitrariness and direct or indirect constitutional violations. And it allows them to govern without budgets, secretly agree on national policies abroad, govern by decree, and colonize institutions. The political right, basically the PP, was ineffective primarily because of the coalition of interests led by Sánchez and opposed to the very arithmetically superior system. Second, the PP remains a traditional party, functioning as if Sánchez had not changed the rules of the game. In other words, we are not correctly interpreting the historical time in which we are living. And that made it impossible to reactivate the mechanisms that Sanchez had neutralized.
–So what’s the problem with PP?
–I think it’s strategic ability. These are politically bold times. If you allow what happened in Valencia, you will realize how late and wrong the actions were. However, the PSOE has neither the legitimacy nor the moral authority to criticize the PP’s attitude while the PP upholds the principle of political responsibility. Because the PSOE destroyed the principle of political responsibility.
–Vox is also against it.
–There are two things to mention here. First, lies became widespread and truth became opinion. There is no truth, there are opinions, which completely paralyzes the social structure. Second, Vox was born as a reaction to Catalonia’s sovereignty process, capitalizing on a growing problem and capitalizing on futile and visceral anger. Where does Vox dominate? Why do the best talent like Espinosa de los Monteros, Orona and Ortega Smith leave? What is the speech about the economy, regeneration, international policy, taxation? Do we have an accurate idea of what he wants? Frankly, no. We have a party of reaction and anger, and Sanchez taps into that perfectly. He and Abascal perform an interpretation of the symphony for duet piano.
Vox’s role
“Abascal and Sanchez play the same song in duet on the piano. One’s anger feeds the other’s strength.”
–In a future Spain without Sanchez, how will Spain protect itself from the new Sanchez?
-The Constitution must be amended: constitutionality block. The states must be federalized so that the system of power does not create any kind of chaos. The Senate must have the power to pre-empt legislation, but the Senate does not have that power. The General Council of the Judiciary must change the election system for the 12 members of the Judicial Council and establish automation so that they are automatically removed from office once they have completed their duties. The same goes for members of the Constitutional Court. Of course, without a budget, it must be established that if a budget is not submitted within six months, an election will automatically be forced to be called. Matters that can be regulated by ordinance laws must be limited, matters must be deleted, so-called omnibus ordinance laws must be limited, so-called intrusive amendments must be prohibited… In short, all of this must be wiped out in order to return budgetary and legislative control functions to Congress and the Senate. It is also necessary to formulate laws of application, renunciation, and doubt in the order of succession to ensure that men do not have an advantage over women in the order of succession. And for all rights and freedoms, technological variables must be introduced because they are directly related to intrusion and pose a threat to many rights. Finally, consideration must be given to minimum requirements for public services and consideration of basic needs. For example, I’m thinking about housing. All of this must be done in a legislative program with two options. Either there is an absolute majority, or there is a restructuring of the political culture, where the majority allows for the approval of institutional laws.
–If Oscar Puente and the Moncloa team read your book, I don’t think it’s necessary to rule out a ferocious attack by them.
–Well, if you come from the Basque political culture of the 80s and 90s, this doesn’t worry you too much. Actually, it would be interesting if there was a reaction, and I would like it. Because it’s an added incentive to sell more books.
PP error
“It continues to behave like a traditional political party in a time when political boldness is called for.”
—Have you ever thought about sending a copy to Pedro Sánchez and having him read your psychological description?
-no. If you want it, buy it or contact the publisher. I would also like to point out that neither this book nor the other six I have written have been sent to any president, and I have had good relationships with some of them. I have interviewed Felipe González, Aznar, Rajoy, Zapatero, Calvo Sotelo… The only one I haven’t interviewed is Sanchez.
–It doesn’t stop.
–No, it seems like that’s not allowed.
About The Author
