Brazil was the first laboratory for the new digital weapons of the Latin American far right. The success was so great that in 2019, a provocative and unknown lawmaker named Jair Messias Bolsonaro became president. Four years later, it was the turn of Javier Millay, the vocal Argentine economist in the curly coat. The ultra derecha phenomenon, currently growing in Chile under the direction of presidential candidate Axel Kaiser, is also trying to make a breakthrough in Mexico, where he is looking for a representative. The strategy is always the same. A digital mercenary army will reach the world through traditional means. Program by En X, TikTok, Instagram, Facebook streaming And periodicals on the web call for rebellion and civil disobedience, if not coups, and organize “spontaneous” demonstrations to overthrow the regime. Like the competition that will be celebrated this Saturday in Ciudad, Mexico against the government of Claudia Sheinbaum.
In Mexico, far-right groups have traditionally had little public resonance and no organized presence. There are only two projects targeted to begin before the 2027 midterm elections. One of them is led by the Argentine actor Eduardo Verastegui, who has a good relationship with Millay. Their love lasted for a while, but the rift ended at the end of October when they faced unexpected abuse and the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) summit scheduled for November in Mexico was canceled.
Given the lack of elected representatives, the presence of Mexico’s conservative movement is currently concentrated on social networks. A call for a demonstration by Generation Z youth has caused controversy. Although this appears to be a spontaneous movement similar to those that instigated Nepal, Madagascar, or Morocco, a study by Infodemic (a Mexican government department dedicated to analyzing disinformation) supported a “clarified digital strategy.” Postpone the report later influenceropposition figures and accounts associated with the Atlas Network, a super-establishment organization based in more than 100 countries in the early 1980s. More than 90 million Mexican pesos (approximately $5 million) has been invested in promoting the march in the past month and a half, the report said.
The official investigation also indirectly named Ricardo Salinas Priego, a dueño from the television company TV Azteca. In July, the Supreme Court lost last year’s case, leaving it with a tax liability of about 50 billion pesos (about $3 billion). The setback intensified debate over Salinas Priego’s role in a digital campaign criticizing President Claudia Sheinbaum.
Universal Infodemia began its digital campaign in early October when Azteca Noticias released a report on the trends of Gen Z leaving Mexico. Over the decades since then, accounts with names like generacionz_mx and Somosgeneracionzmx have appeared on social networks calling for a march in Mexico’s capital this Saturday. TikTok had 200 accounts inciting the protests, 50 of which were created or reactivated during the period, and more than 350 groups on Facebook discussing the topic, some of which were run from abroad.
In the first half of last month, the content of the message suddenly changed. From the November 1 appointment of the mayor of Michoacán, the story has revolved around calls for the revocation of presidential powers due to the government’s inability to confront violence. Infodemic will ensure that this change is synchronized.
This report is bot According to Atlas Network, they are referring to Argentinian Fernando Cherimedo, who was in charge of Millay’s digital campaign a few months ago. Cherimed is an era known for American conosles. His name has appeared more than 60 times in a police investigation into the coup plot against Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva that led to Jair Bolsonaro’s arrest last September. He was accused of disseminating an alleged investigation that called into question the credibility of Brazil’s electoral system in order to discredit the victory of the Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) leader. Cherimed began its investigation in February of this year. Police said they believed the Argentines spread “unsubstantiated claims” but could not prove that the Tubieses were in control of the coup plot.
Bolsonaroism sprouted on social networks. There, under the watchful eye of Brazil’s main communications media, in 2018 the anti-establishment and anti-corruption rhetoric of a retired army colonel known for his provocations captivated the hearts of millions of compatriots who aligned themselves with traditional politics and an instinctive hatred of the PT. Lula was playing the game and was imprisoned in a corruption case, which was canceled a few years later.
The patriarch of the Bolsonaro family was well aware of the importance of capital on the Internet, especially on WhatsApp messages, in winning elections, so that on the day of the pose, he was accompanied by his son Carlos, a digital campaign strategist and member of the House of Councillors, in a Rolls-Royce to transport the ultra-derechist leader to the presidential palace in Brasilia. After their surprising victory, they succeeded in building a far-right political movement that embraced the majority of surviving conservatives, on Facebook, Twitter, now YouTube, TikTok…playing the role of the classic right.
He then opened a weekly space on Facebook. Hello, bossHugo Chávez called on ministers to estimate the government’s achievements. The digital militia created by Father Carlos Bolsonaro when he came to power functions as a recognized machine that coordinates online with political influencers and similar media outlets to launch simultaneous attacks against rivals, attract critics and put issues at the center of national debate. Bolsonaro’s digital ecosystem has expanded to include its own version of the streaming service Netflix streaming Films and documentaries set in the audiovisual world and in this universe where Bolsonarism encapsulates God, patriots, and family.
The digital world where Bolsonaro’s most radical supporters live is fed by secret information and misinformation, creating a breeding ground for thousands of people in 2022 to mistakenly believe Bolsonaro stole the election. They were persuaded to camp for several months in front of the encampment, which called for military intervention. They then launched an attack on the republic’s organizational center in Brasilia. They are recognized by staunch Bolsonaro supporters, who are serving long sentences for attempted coups while awaiting the completion of a 27-year sentence.
La derecha diario, ariete ultra
Before Bolsonaro’s fall from grace, Cherimedo went to Buenos Aires and since 2012 has been active with La Derecha Diario, one of the main digital spreaders of ultra-derecha ideas and a prominent propagator of documents against everything opposed to progress. Although its website traffic is unremarkable, the account has more than 500,000 loyal followers, who are responsible for amplifying its message.
In June 2021, Cherimedo culminated in its ownership of the Spanish La Derecha Diario. Javier Negre was an instigator who saw a bright political future for Millay from Madrid and, after a failed journalistic journey in Madrid, decided to reinvent himself on the other side of the Atlantic. The new company was called Madero Media Group SRL and started with capital of 100,000 pesos (a little more than $1,000 at the exchange rate at the time).
After many years of frenetic activity, Mr. Cherimedo has now retired from La Derecha Diario, despite being a founding partner, and has broken with the Millay administration, which contradicts the communication drift of Casa Rosada. If you want to contact him personally, you have to go to La Paz, Bolivia. There he works as a communications advisor to new President Santiago Paz. Instead, Negre continues his journey south, stopping in Buenos Aires after brief visits to the United States and Israel to tell the “truth” about the war in Gaza. In Argentina, he quickly gained popularity for provoking other journalists in the press district of Millay’s former leader Manuel Adorni. Afterwards, they treated him as a “sold Humo” and “Bocon”, and during the first months of his stay in Buenos Aires he tried without success to buy Argentine drugs in order to expand his influence.
The shadow of Negre finally arrives in Mexico when Salinas Priego offers to finance a local version of La Derecha Diario. It is within this digital ecosystem that this Saturday’s demonstrations are being celebrated. many of them influencer The Mexicans identified by Infodemia had no previous involvement in politics. They are creators of content about makeup, video games, and music, and within days they began publishing messages in support of the march.
While in other countries the mobilization of Gen Z is left to the government, in Mexico there appears to be a lack of sufficient mobilization power to join the network. President Claudia Sheinbaum then ordered the installation of metal ditches around the National Palace and historical buildings, and the movement’s archives shared instructions on how to demolish them.
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