Since its birth in Andalusia in 2018, Vox’s history has been one of growth. But there are also internal crises, dissatisfaction and isolated people. With the party at its peak in the polls, Vox and its factions have yet to find a replacement for Santiago Abascal, but some disillusioned with the course continue to act as critics. Even if they do not form an organized chain, there are links between them. who are you? Among others, the exporters of the Congress of Iván Espinosa de los Monteros and Macarena Orona. Former resident of Madrid party member Rocio Monasterio. Expamentarians Victor Sánchez del Real, Rubén Manso, Juan Luis Stegman, Francisco Contreras and Mazary Aguilar.
Your biggest saving grace is Espinosa de los Monteros. Since stepping down to collect minutes after the 2023 general elections, isolated from the rise of the most important sector of the party that embodies Jorge Buxade, he has appeared in several productions alongside other critics, including a year ago in the production of a film extolling the virtues of Ronald Reagan as the type of leader Spain needs, and in September at the presentation of the Atenea Institute of Ideas, which the former Francisco heads. control. For Atenea, Espinosa proposes to Vox a change of direction that would facilitate an agreement with the PP, but would also involve complicated relationships with emerging figures from the super-derecha, such as instigator Vito Quiles.
presentation of think tank De Espinosa was accompanied by his wife, Rocio Monasterio. Congressmen Sánchez del Real, Rubén Manso, and Mazary Aguilar. And Vice-President Javier Ortega Smith, who was separated from Vox in Congress last week, is the culmination of a process to distance himself from Abascal. If Espinosa is the most prominent of the unemployed critics (though he remains affiliated with the party), lawyer Ortega Smith is one of the Ultra derecho party’s foremost critics, serving as deputy spokesperson and leader of Madrid’s city council.
Those around Ortega Smith insist that he is not currently leading any of the critical groups. “Javier’s opinions are personal and do not represent him or lead anything,” said a source close to the aide. In effect, Espinosa and Ortega are perceived as referents or leaders of the grievances. Ni eros, ni nin ontro. Even if there was a unit, it would be a unit without a captain. This doesn’t mean that compliments are scary now. “He is a great worker and a pillar of Vox,” he said over the phone of Ortega Smith, former deputy secretary of Badajoz Sánchez del Real and Vox deputy communications chief. He has not been on the list of last generals since he worked as a professor and consultant.
In Sánchez del Real, the rift is widening in this area. It is a rejection of what is seen as an internal function that rewards leader compliance at the expense of the important contribution of knowledge. He says these former directors and MPs have something in common: their “previous professional trajectories” that give them the jobs and professional culture to return to.
Concerned about media businessman Julio Ariza’s influence within the party and the carelessness of his “liberal-conservative” ideology, Sánchez del Real has been muted in his criticism of the party for continuing to participate, but has said nothing about why he did not run as a candidate again, claiming that the reason for his departure was suffering “attacks” from their own ranks. The former leader says he is only trying to defend the ideas he championed in 2013, when he was part of a movement created by Vox. This is very widespread across important sectors, and there is nothing that expresses an intention to cause anyone an internal struggle.
Vox did not respond to questions from EL PAÍS.
“New ideas”
Another former contender who has distanced himself from the current Vox is Francisco Contreras, who will remain in Seville until 2023. The legal philosophy professor, who was an advocate of climate change denialism during his time in Congress, now leads both the Athenea and NEOS foundations. The foundation is headed by former PP Minister Mayor Jaime Oreja, and Espinosa’s equivalent wants to change the direction of Vox in order to foster cooperation with the public. Unlike Sánchez del Real, Contreras, who remained with the Vox in July, was not removed from the list. It was in the paper as that number, but it was in Sario. In a public message, he combines support for Box with diplomatic criticism of parties in which he proposes “new ideas” and who, for example, receive “a blow in the pie”, while excluding Rubén Manso from the list.
Mr. Manso, an inspector at the Bank of Spain and a top consultant at the Financial Services Authority, is also part of this sector with wealth in associational circles, in his case as director of the Centro Diego de Covarrubias, an institute of thought “in defense of Christian liberalism.” He describes himself as belonging to the liberal, or ultra-liberal wing of Vox, a non-militant party, along with Espinosa and Sánchez del Real. He does not feel that he belongs to any of the current groups and has no plans to return to the party stage “from the beginning”, but claims that he shares with other critics a “high interest in politics”, despite being “disappointed” by a party with “obvious ideological bias”. “We continue to speak out, participate and perform, but ever since the wall was built,” says the Malaga exile. He makes a profound case for the professional value of Olijad by Abascal. “Having a way of life is a handicap in politics, and the only people left are those whose lives depend on their leaders.”
Manso is close to Sanchez Real and former Madrid assistant coach and former doctor Juan Luis Stegman. This case is different. It was Mr. Steegmann who gave a speech in August 2023, resigned from the funding equivalent to the retrenchment of Mr. Espinosa de los Monteros, and also relinquished his position in the national leadership, and then left the party in 2024, citing his “anti-liberal,” “anti-science,” and “neo-Falangist” line. As well as being critical of Vox for its lack of recognition, Stegman also takes a sharp look at the weight within the party of Abascal’s advisers and friends, Julio Ariza and Kiko Mendes-Monasterio, and exposes attacks from some of the ultra-derechas inside and outside Vox for their favorable stance on vaccines during the coronavirus pandemic.
Spill and fall
The person who fell from the top spot was Mazarie Aguilar, whose removal from the European list in 2024 meant the expulsion of Box, who was vice-president of the European Agriculture Committee, from the EU’s most important position. Facing Buxade, head of the party’s European delegation, Aguilar has openly criticized the party’s Lambo. “El Vox que yo conocí no nació para esta,” he said when the party formed Giorgia Meloni’s Conservative and Reform group and joined Viktor Orbán’s European Patriots.
Before they all got caught up in the traumatic departure of Macarena Orona, whose candidacy in Andalusia in 2022 ended in a less than expected result, where she announced her abandonment from politics amidst complete tension with the national leadership. Since then, his speeches have become very harsh towards Abascal, leading him to accuse the party of being a “recruitment agency”. From Ortega Smith to Espinosa de los Monteros, Sánchez del Real, Rubén Manso, Stegman, Mazary Aguilar, and others, people are often at odds with the national leadership and receive popular support from Orona.
Nor did Idoia Rivas, Vox’s spokesperson in the Balearic parliament, leave the group in July, after which the Community Party was founded during the crisis, describing its ancient formation as a “pyramid state”. Rivas is currently the president of the Avanza en Libertad association and hopes to establish an association throughout Spain.
Even less obvious is the position of the soldiers who were excluded from those who performed vox ficho and did not achieve good results. Agustín Rosti, who was in contention as a candidate for Cadiz until 2023 and did not appear on that year’s list, abandoned Vox in February this year, citing Abascal’s “following” to Donald Trump. “En Vox’s authoritarianism and dogmatism is increasing,” he declared. Antonio Budinho, who led the Pontevedra party in the 2019 general election, was forced this year to demand that Abascal hand over his accounts. “The faithful were kept in the fold, and the meek were honored,” he charged.
Political scientist Eli Gallardo, author The year we voted dangerously (Rapitbook, 2024) and has closely observed the changes introduced in Spanish politics by new political parties, highlighting the fact that despite multiple factors working against Abascal, there are a small number of Abascal critics who maintain political visibility and attention on social networks. The reason for this is that although it does not officially constitute a chain, it lacks a recognized leader and is opposed to the line of the party that is dominant in opinion polls. Despite all this, in his opinion, he enjoys a space that is a sign of “the growth of a super-powerful field in which more and more actors can fit.”
Consultants believe that today they identify themselves as critics, seek to build bonds among themselves and bet on the future. “Now is not the time, as Vox’s prospects are good, but it is important to keep Vox alive and well-positioned for possible future reconfigurations of the space, when both the options for change at Vox leading to the return of the old leadership and representatives, as well as a new party, may arise,” he said.
Until it was closed after Vox’s new political parties in Ultraderecha, Se Acabo La Fiesta (SALF) and Alianza Catalana, gained representation in Eurocamara and Congress, respectively. But for now, they have not been able to dislodge the group of former members of Vox who were disappointed in Lambo. That’s because many attempts have yet to be made. There are at least six cases: Caminando Juntos —el de Macarena Olona—, TúPatria, España Suma, Valores, Juntos por España y Libres. No one envisions a threat to Abascal, but his critics will have no choice but to wait.
About The Author
