The remaining 164 bribes to be read out to Christina at trial, the businessmen who paid them and their rewards.

“Small camera” This is one of the files related to the central bribery notebook case. They allege that Christina Kirchner received over 100 bribes. They are construction room Hosted by Carlos Wagner. Public works projects have once again become one of the pillars of accusations against the former president for his corrupt practices.

Of the 126 people thoroughly investigated in the Cuadernos case, 51 were indicted. Concentrating on the bribery circuit established from the construction conference And the federal judicial system managed to collapse after a series of events. important confessione: Carlos Wagner’s, financier Ernesto Clarence’s, former Public Works Secretary Jose López, and a group of businessmen who systematically paid bribes.

During the first oral and public trial conducted by the Seventh Federal Oral Court (TOF 7), the first 40 facts of the case are revealed. passive bribery (Acceptance of bribes) attributed to Christina Kirchner. like he said clarionequivalent to more than US$10.4 million. First, rThis is the reading of another 164 counts of bribery that make up the former president’s charges, along with the maximum criminal charge of being the head of an illegal association..

In the framework of file 13816/2018, the largest list of bribes received by the intermediary Christina Kirchner, as revealed during the investigation stage, is detailed. The request for elevation in judgment in this section consists of 420 pages and has 10 penitents.

The case was established on August 22, 2018, as a spin-off from the lead judge, and court filings began being read last Thursday.

The indictment alleges that the investigation is being deepened “after gathering elements that confirm that the illegal entity was also active in specific sectors such as civil engineering, public works, energy, and transportation.”xfile focuses on private and public utilities.

The contributions of the accused collaborators made it possible to reconstruct a corruption mechanism operated using companies grouped in the Chamber of Construction and “performed in that field mainly by officials of the Argentine government.”

It turned out that financial advances were paid to state representatives. Ernest Clarenceextracts the percentage of value provided for the job – in general, Between 3% and 20%– or a more specific amount related to the construction certificate.

This was explained to prosecutor Carlos Stornelli, the late judge Claudio Bonadio, former public works secretary Jose López, former president of the Argentine Chamber of Construction Carlos Wagner, and Clarence himself.

What did Lopez say? Unfortunately He pointed out: “I was responsible for complying with the national highway construction (…) The advance was usually 10% and 5% of that advance was returned. Sometimes it was 3% if there was no advance against the construction certificate. ) told me so, and I gave it to the people at the Roads Department to include it in the next month’s list. ”

The methodology was as follows. “After meeting with President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and President Julio de Vido in Olivos in 2011, President demands from De Vido a list of monthly payments for all Ministry of Planning services that discriminate against companies. And they both want me to do the same for the National Highways Directorate, which was dependent on my Public Works Secretariat. ”

The former public works secretary said he “proportionally created a list of what each company was responsible for billing” based on the information in the construction certificates that the state highway director and others delivered to Jose López every month, which included the budget and amount that each company was allowed to pay that month. He explained that the quota was set by Julio de Vido and Roberto Baratta.

According to a key confession in this file, the former president was responsible for “Austral (Lázaro Báez), CPC (Cristobal López), Electroingenieria (Herardo Ferreira), JCR (Rilla). The remaining companies basically set the amount to be charged, and the remaining amount was distributed proportionately to the remaining companies. If these four companies needed to make any adjustments to the amounts to be charged, that was done, and the remaining amounts were allocated in proportion to the remainder. ”

Under this structure, which was also detailed by Carlos Wagner, a further 164 cases of bribes received by former presidents will be tried.

Of the 51 defendants In this section, Christina Kirchner is the head of an organization designated as the head of an illegal organization specializing in the collection of illegal funds, but there are only six former employees. The remaining 45 people are businessmen..

Among the most implicated individuals ultimately identified as responsible for the payment of bribes directed to the former president were Gerardo Ferreira (two bribes), Cristóbal López (six), Fabián de Sousa and Osbal. They include Mr. de Sousa (6 persons), Mr. Carlos Wagner (7 persons), Mr. José Gerardo and Mr. Maria Rosa Cartelone (10 persons), Mr. Hugo Alberto Dragonetti (22 persons), and Mr. Juan Chediak. (5), Aldo Benito Roggio (11), Mario Lobera (12), Angelo Calcaterra (4), Javier Sánchez Caballero (4).

The list is: Gabriel Rossi, Patricio Gerbi, Ricardo Suncia, Santiago Altieri, Miguel Angel Marconi, Osvaldo Acosta, Marcela Stenberg, Silvio Mion, Daniel Piton, Roberto Orazi, Julio Paolini, Juan Luciano, Pablo Gutierrez, Jorge Benolol, Adri. Ann Pascucci, Oscar Sansignena, Luis Armani, Guillermo Escolar, Juan Bautista Pacella, Carlos Roman, Carlos Arroyo, Tito Biagini, Hugo Cotto, Rodolfo Perales, Eduardo Kennel, Juan Manuel Collaso, Ricardo Repetti, Mauricio Pascucci, Luis Rosi.

Equally important facts: 10 of the businessmen were accused of being collaborators.among them Mauricio Macri’s cousin, Juan Chediak, Roggio, and Wagner.

According to the federal judiciary, they were all responsible for paying bribes related to public works. In explaining how this system would work, Carlos Wagner said, “Public works will be one of the ways to finance political expenses. One example is called a tender, where interested parties buy specifications and meet at different locations to decide the winner of the tender.”

Ernesto Clarence, an investor associated with Kirchnerism, identified details about the “little camera”, which he said was “In the business cartelization system, the projects to be awarded and the amounts and percentages that must be paid in this regard were agreed with businessmen.”.

In fact, on one of the occasions he declared, he said: “The Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Argentine Chamber of Road Companies, gave me a monthly list of works that were tendered. Each row is a work, and from there it shows the date, the bid number, the bid work, the official budget, the winning company and the amount offered, and the next column shows the percentage of the excess price. The rows with a blue symbol are because those works were successfully awarded.”

The second list corresponds to the ranking of cartelized companies. “As long as there was no financial advance, the authorities did not have much control. If the tender stipulated that the financial advance was 20% of the total amount of work, the company was asked to deliver half of the advance in one delivery, while if the advance amounted to 10% of the total amount of work, the company was asked to pay that percentage in installments,” said K, a financier.

It was precisely Clarence who contributed to this cause, and the various lists associated with companies that made payments based on public works awarded through a pre-agreed and illegal selection system set the basis and principles of this investigation.